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15 September 2025, Volume 59 Issue 9 Previous Issue   

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Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and Democracy: The Themes of the Times and Ideological Responses during the All-out Resistance Zuo Yuhe 2025, 59 (9):  5-14.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1201KB) ( )   The War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and democracy were the themes of the times and the ideology in China during the allout War of Resistance. The Kuomintang (KMT) and the Communist Party of China (CPC), as well as the centrist parties, engaged in indepth discussions on these two major issues and put forward their own political propositions. Their thought and attitude towards these two issues directly determined the support of the people and their success or failure. On the issue of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the KMT, in the early stage of the allout War of Resistance, joined forces with the CPC to fight against Japanese aggression and put forward propositions such as the establishment of the country through the War of Resistance and protracted war of attrition, which were supported by the people; however, in the “stalemate stage”, the passive resistance against Japanese aggression raised doubts and estrangement among the people, and its political status declined sharply. In sharp contrast, the CPC always held high the banner of resistance against Japanese aggression, put forward the line of allout resistance, formed the idea of systematic protracted war, the idea of independent and selfreliant guerrilla warfare, and the idea of mobilizing and arming the people, and became the mainstay of the national resistance, thus gaining the support and endorsement of the broad masses of the people and the centrist parties, and its political influence rose rapidly. On the issue of democracy, the KMT clung obstinately to oneparty dictatorship and gradually lost popular support, while the CPC always held high the banner of democracy, put forward the idea that “resistance against Japanese aggression and democracy are inseparable”, actively advocated and practiced democracy, and implemented the politics of New Democracy, which not only won the support of the broad masses of the people, but also gained the support of the centrist parties. Likewise, the originally weak centrist parties, who firmly advocated democratic politics, received sympathy and support from some of the people, and their political strength grew rapidly. Therefore, different ideological responses to the themes of the times in wartime China influenced the direction of public sentiment and the rise and fall of political strength. Related Articles | Metrics

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Threefold Implications of “Fighting to the Very End” by the Communist Party of China during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression Ouyang Junxi, Li Siy 2025, 59 (9):  15-23.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1191KB) ( )   “Fighting to the very end” was an important statement put forward by the Communist Party of China (CPC) during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. This statement embodies threefold implications regarding the principle, goal and direction of the war as held by the CPC. The core essence of “fighting to the very end” as a guideline for the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression was to oppose compromise and surrender, and to uphold united resistance. On this basis, the CPC promoted the establishment and maintenance of the Chinese united front against Japanese aggression. The basic implication of “fighting to the very end” as a goal of the War of Resistance was to recover all the lost territories and sovereignty, including the three northeastern provinces and Taiwan. It fully demonstrated the determination of the CPC to defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Lastly, the statement “fighting to the very end” as the direction of the War of Resistance embodied the longterm vision of the CPC to establish New China after the war. With “national liberation” as the main thread, the CPC, in the practice of promoting the whole nation to “fight to the very end” against Japanese aggression, achieved the shift of the goal, that is, establishing New China after the war. The CPC held high the banner of “fighting to the very end”, guiding the direction of the Chinese Peoples War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and promoting the ultimate victory of the allout resistance. Related Articles | Metrics

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The Historical Role of the Commemoration of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression by the Communist Party of China in the New Era Zhao Fuke, Xiong Zhiqiang 2025, 59 (9):  24-34.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1208KB) ( )   The commemoration of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression remains an important political ritual with unique historical functions. Since 1932, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has held a series of commemorative activities around the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. In the new era, the commemoration of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression has made new breakthroughs in terms of form innovation and connotation expansion. The CPC uses the commemoration of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression to expose the crimes of Japanese aggression and to criticize historical nihilism in order to maintain historical clarity, to interpret the CPCs correct view of history and the great spirit of the War of Resistance to strengthen historical confidence, and to clarify the laws of history and highlight our mission and responsibility to take historical initiative. The commemoration of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in the new era has played a significant role in maintaining historical clarity, strengthening historical confidence, and taking historical initiative, and has demonstrated its historical functions from the epistemological, axiological, and practical perspectives. Related Articles | Metrics

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On the Theoretical Progression of Marx and Engels' Approach to the Real Economic Crisis Sun Shoutao1, Ju Xinrui2 2025, 59 (9):  35-49.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1277KB) ( )   In the studies of the critique of political economy, Marx and Engels have made complex and indepth analyses of real economic crisis, and their theories generally present a progressive pattern of “the analysis of revolutionthe analysis of capital movementthe analysis of world history”, which constitutes an important ideological historical thread for understanding Marxs theory of economic crisis. In this process, they have also constantly adjusted their understanding of “the relationship between economic crisis and revolution”. From 1847 to 1850, in order to serve the study of the 1848 European Revolution, Marx and Engels, based on their existing general understanding of economic crisis, highlighted the possibility and mechanism of the revolution caused by the economic crisis of overproduction. The failure of the 1848 European Revolution prompted them to reexamine political economy and begin to view the 1857 economic crisis from the perspective of capital movement, clarifying the macrolevel movement from industrial capital to financial capital. In the 1860s, their observations of the cotton crisis and the 1866 financial crisis delved into the microlevel mechanisms of capital movement, and on this basis they constructed the theoretical framework of economic crisis. In the 1970s, in the face of the new features of real economic crisis, they further demonstrated an analysis of real economic crisis from the perspective of world history and recognized the new direction of revolution. Contemporary Chinese Marxist scholars should carry on their ideological legacy, view the real economic crisis from the Chinese perspective in light of the evolution of the world pattern in the 21st century, accurately explore the new changes and trends of contemporary capitalism, take the initiative to act and ensure our own development and security. Related Articles | Metrics

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The Mission of Our Times for Ideological and Political Education from the Perspective of Further Comprehensively Deepening Reform Xie Xiaojuan1, Ma Chen2 2025, 59 (9):  50-58.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1178KB) ( )   Carrying out ideological and political education is an excellent tradition and political strength of the Communist Party of China. From the perspective of further comprehensively deepening reform, ideological and political education shoulders an important historical mission. This includes, first, placing emphasis on interpreting General Secretary Xi Jinpings new ideas, perspectives, and conclusions on comprehensively deepening reform, particularly clarifying the relationship between reform and interest adjustment, as well as the relationship between socialism and the market economy, thereby strengthening the Partys theoretical foundation with its latest innovation. Second, ideological and political education should also stimulate the innovative vitality and fighting spirit of talents for further comprehensively deepening reform, thereby providing talent support for comprehensively deepening reform. Third, it should also foster a rational and moderate social mentality and shape the correct orientation of public opinion, thereby laying a common ideological foundation for further comprehensively deepening reform. Related Articles | Metrics

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The Logical Pathway of Theoretical Courses of Ideological and Political Education in Consolidating Cultural Subjectivity Wang Zhen 2025, 59 (9):  59-68.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1188KB) ( )   Generally speaking, theoretical courses of ideological and political education, as a form of cultural inheritance and innovation generated by the Communist Party of China leading the people in the practices of revolution, construction and reform, are of great significance for consolidating cultural subjectivity. From the perspective of cultural philosophy, the cultural subject and the subject culture are two dimensions of cultural subjectivity. On the one hand, the scientific theories, emotional experiences and cultural concerns implied by theoretical courses of ideological and political education contribute to enhancing the theoretical leadership, emotional nourishing power and development vitality of young people in inheriting and innovating the subject culture; on the other hand, theoretical courses of ideological and political education adhere to the integration of theory and practice, the combination of universality and particularity, and the unity of diversity and dominance, constantly enhancing the development efficiency of the subject culture in upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground. Related Articles | Metrics

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The Historical, Theoretical and Practical Logic of Data Elements × Commodity Circulation  Xie Lijuan1, Li Weihao1, Wang Xiaodong 2025, 59 (9):  69-83.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1365KB) ( )   Promoting the development of the “data elements × commodity circulation” is an important content in the development of new quality productive forces and the promotion of highquality development under the conditions of the digital economy. As data completes its transformation into a production factor and develops into the key production factor of the commodity circulation industry, stimulating the multiplier effect of data elements in the field of commodity circulation will not only help enhance the total factor productivity of the commodity circulation industry and multiply and amplify the circulation efficiency, but also further transmit to the other segments of the social reproduction through the circulation, thus smoothing the national economic cycle, and promoting the quantitative multiplication and qualitative improvement of economic development. In response to the objective requirements of the digital economy era and Chinas development reality, to promote the development of “data elements × commodity circulation”, it is necessary to accurately identify the key obstacles in the three areas of system, market and technology, and to make key breakthroughs in aspects such as the system, digital technology, industry transformation, digital talents and infrastructure. Related Articles | Metrics

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China's National Resilience in the Process of Globalization Liu Xuelian, Xiao Chenhui 2025, 59 (9):  84-96.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1250KB) ( )   In the era of globalization where the profound changes unseen in a century are accelerating, national resilience has become an important measure of a countrys capabilities as a subject in the context of risks facing its international relations and a fundamental prerequisite for the country to balance security and development and remain competitive in the international community. Chinas national resilience building in the process of globalization has evolved through three stages: the stage of actively integrating into globalization in the early years of reform and openingup, the stage of enhancing capabilities of risk response after joining the World Trade Organization, and the new stage of promoting the reform of the international order and the shaping of globalization through indepth participation in international affairs since the new era. Going forward, the improvement of Chinas national resilience will focus on rebuilding cognition, expanding openingup, promoting reform, enhancing strength, and deepening concepts. In the process of actively participating in and adjusting the global order, it will coordinate development and security, promote the positive transformation of the international system, and achieve the coordinated mutual promotion of national governance and global governance. Related Articles | Metrics

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Triple Truths of the New Trade Protectionism in the US: Based on the Ideological Methodology of Marx and Engels on Free Trade and Protective Tariffs Guo Qianqian1, Liu Zhaofeng2 2025, 59 (9):  97-110.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1357KB) ( )   The US has consistently justified its new trade protectionist policies under the guise of “countering foreign threats”, “reindustrialization” and “protecting the interests of domestic workers”. In essence, these statements serve as a rhetorical veil obscuring the true nature of American trade protectionism. Marx and Engels, from a proletarian standpoint, deliver a comprehensive critique of capitalist free trade and protective tariffs. Their methodological framework provides us with ideologically methodological guidance for understanding the new trade protectionism in the US. Applying this Marxist lens reveals three fundamental truths of the new trade protectionism in the US: such policies are instruments of unilateral hegemony; they hold limited efficacy for genuine reindustrialization; and they fail to materially improve the conditions of the American working class. Reflecting on the current US trade policies can offer instructive insights for us to successfully navigate the path of socialist modernization with Chinese characteristics. Related Articles | Metrics

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Civilizational Underpinnings of the Democratic Models He Jiacheng 2025, 59 (9):  111-123.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1240KB) ( )   The diverse landscape of democratic development in todays world has made democratic models a core issue in political science research. The discourse of the “universality” of Westernstyle democracy squeezes the living space of nonWestern democracies and is unable to explain the richness of democratic practices around the world. From the perspective of comparisons across civilizations, the diversity of civilizations has shaped the diversity of democratic models. Democratic models are born in specific civilizations and can be divided into “models of value” shaped by civilizational genes and “models of practice” generated based on “models of value”. The Christian ideology of Western civilization has given rise to liberal democracy as a value model and implemented liberal values through the practice model of the democracy with party competition. The Chinese civilization, on the other hand, has formed peoples democracy in the value dimension and consultative democracy in the practice dimension by continuing the tradition of peoplecentered governance and absorbing the peoplecentered nature of Marxism. Only by clarifying theoretically the civilizational underpinnings of democratic models can we promote the common development of different democratic models through mutual learning and exchange. Related Articles | Metrics

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Agnes Heller's Reconstruction of the Theory of Justice: From the Perspective of Marx's Theory of Justice Wei Jinhua 2025, 59 (9):  124-132.  Abstract ( )   PDF (1269KB) ( )   Justice has long been a focal point of debate among philosophers as a subject of political philosophy. Marx does not write any specific works on the issue of justice, but his lifelong critique of capitalism is aimed at revealing the injustice of capitalist society and explaining that future communism would transcend justice. Agnes Heller, a neoMarxist theorist from Eastern Europe, offers a unique interpretation of Marxs theory of justice during her analysis. She shifts the research perspective of justice theory from grand narratives to the microlevel political domain and returns it from philosophical speculation to real life. The conception of “beyond justice” constructed by Agnes Heller is inherent in human beings and originates from human everyday life. The diversity of lifestyles is the prerequisite for the good life shared by everyone. The three elements of a good life  righteousness, the development of endowments into talents and the exercise of those talents, and emotional depth in personal attachments  help us move beyond justice. Therefore, she regards the good life as the goal of going beyond justice. Related Articles | Metrics