Deepening the institutional reforms related to Party building provides a strong endogenous driving force and institutional guarantee for comprehensively advancing the reform cause. It holds great significance for resolving the unique challenges faced by a major party, advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, and accomplishing the Partys central tasks on the new journey in the new era. Current research on the institutional reforms related to Party building still has potential for further development. There is a need to strengthen the systematic approach in theoretical studies, clarify the theoretical positioning of the institutional reforms related to Party building, and define its practical requirements. From a theoretical perspective, “the Party building system”, “the institutional reforms related to Party building”, and “deepening the institutional reforms related to Party building in the new era” occupy distinct positions and carry profound implications within their respective institutional systems, operational frameworks, and strategic arrangements. From a practical perspective, to further deepen the institutional reforms related to Party building on the new journey in the new era, we must adhere to and strengthen the Partys overall leadership, persist in arming the entire Party with the Partys innovative theories, uphold the political and organizational functions of Party organizations while giving full play to the vanguard and exemplary role of Party members and cadres, and focus on institutional development as the main thread, placing greater emphasis on combining the abolishing of outdated systems with the establishment of new ones or establishing the new before abolishing the old.

The principle of “maintaining dynamic market vitality” while “ensuring effective regulation” constitutes an innovative theoretical formulation for balancing governmentmarket relations in the process of building a highstandard socialist market economy. This principle and its practices, embodying both vitality and regulation, have evolved into Chinas independent knowledge system for governing statemarket interactions within the construction and operation of a highstandard socialist market economic system. The principle of “maintaining dynamic market vitality” is primarily reflected in explorations and reforms concerning three key areas: the market entities, market access, and business environment; and “ensuring effective regulation” manifests in three pivotal domains: maintaining market order and fair competition, addressing market failures, and safeguarding against systemic risks. The essence of “maintaining dynamic market vitality” lies in cultivating an efficient market, while “ensuring effective regulation” hinges on establishing a capable government. Achieving both objectives requires new methodology and new development philosophy, in which a wellregulated efficient market and a rulesbased capable government are crucial. The socialist market economy is inherently one based on the rule of law. We must adhere to the new methodology of seeking progress while maintaining stability, be guided by the new development philosophy to drive reforms, and strengthen the legal framework through reforms. The wellregulated framework established in accordance with law serves as the scientific basis for defining the boundaries between the government and market, thereby promoting the higherlevel integration of an effective market and a proactive government. This “wellregulated framework” provides institutional guarantee for achieving both “dynamic market vitality” and “effective regulation”, ultimately realizing the dual objectives of “enlivening the market” and “ensuring orderly governance”.

The rational approach to upholding the cultural subjectivity of Chinese civilization in the new era is inherently intertwined with communicative and integration, value engagement, and practical configuration. Communicative rationality manifests in addressing the dialectic of tradition and modernity, the distinction between the East and the West, the dispute over essence and utility, the integration of ancient and contemporary wisdom, the convergence of Eastern and Western thought, and the unity of ontology and practice. Regarding the value core, consensus and standard, the refinement of values via reasoning for statecraft, embodying righteousness in life and achieving internal transcendence, as well as the shaping of values through peace and development, fairness and justice, and democracy and freedom, along with the consideration of values such as ecological harmony, humanistic care, and shared beauty in diversity, underscores the path to value rationality. In addressing local issues, proposing local solutions, and establishing local paradigms, practical rationality emerges through cultural responses to historical authenticity, contemporary issues, and future inquiries, the practical consciousness of cultural selfreflection, cultural agency, and cultural confidence, and the accumulation of experiences in symbolic regeneration, formal innovation, and paradigm reconstruction.

The global expansion of capital served as a “precursor” to the formation of world history. The diversity and selectivity of modernization paths among nationstates are preconditioned by the existence of world history. The emergence of world history has transformed the realization patterns of historical laws, constituting the historical premise and cultural context for the formation and development of the Chinese path to modernization. From the perspective of world history, Chinas exploration and establishment of its modernization have traversed developmental stages of being drawn into, adapting to, integrating with, and ultimately leading world history. This process has been consistently characterized by the spatiotemporal coexistence, competition, contestation, and mutual learning between socialist and capitalist modernization, accompanied by the evolving status and role of China within the international system. The achievements of the Chinese path to modernization have elevated global modernization standards, expanded approaches for developing countries to achieve modernization, and propelled the renewal of world historical forms along with the evolution of global historical configurations, bearing significant world historical implications. 

The study of core concepts, conceptual clusters, and conceptual systems constitutes a vital component of the discipline of CPC history and Party building, particularly in research on the intellectual history of the Party. This research perspective and methodology not only expands new frontiers in the study of CPC history and Party building, concretizes research on the Partys intellectual history, but also advances the semantic and practical dimensions of the discipline. By examining the interplay between core concepts and the narrative framework of CPC history and Party building, the structural formation of core concepts as clusters, the historical evolution of core concepts, and their actionoriented contributions, this approach aims to analyze the semantic composition and developmental trajectory of core concepts through the lens of conceptual archaeology. It positions concepts as subjects of academic inquiry, exploring their diachronic evolution, synchronic construction, and boundaries of application, thereby revealing how core concepts enrich the theoretical foundations of CPC history and Party building while guiding practical endeavors. Furthermore, it investigates how collective concepts, as clusters and systems, interact, intertwine, and evolve collectively, how the generative nature, interconnectedness, and family resemblances of upstream and downstream concepts refine the ideological framework, theoretical significance, and actionoriented principles of the discipline, and how these concepts shape peoples historical and political outlooks in complex yet dynamic ways. 

The process of ideological and political education constitutes a vital area of research in this field. Examining this process through the lens of social functioning represents a novel perspective for ideological and political education research in the new era. From this viewpoint, the process of ideological and political education involves the purposeful, planned, and organized cultivation and enhancement of individual or collective ideological and political qualities. It encompasses three dimensions: the selforganizing operation of ideological and political education as an internally independent system, the interactive operation between the ideological and political education system and other social subsystems, and the ubiquitous operation of ideological and political education under the broader influence of external societal environments. These three dimensions comprehensively reveal the holistic dynamics of the process of ideological and political education. Their coordinated interplay serves as an effective approach to strengthening the explanatory power of this process. Therefore, by analyzing the constituent elements and developmental trajectories of selforganizing operation, interactive operation, and ubiquitous operation, and by identifying pathways to innovate across all elements and optimize the entire process, a new logical framework can be established for ideological and political education in the new era. This framework will enhance the practical efficacy of ideological and political education in the new era, advancing both the comprehensive development of individuals and the allaround progress of society.

In the all-media era, revolutionary changes in information acquisition have created an unprecedented information environment and public opinion landscape. The complexity of the ideological domain continues to intensify, posing new challenges to the dissemination of mainstream ideology. To address this, it is imperative to strengthen the development of an allmedia communication system and shape a new paradigm for mainstream public discourse. First, we must embrace and adeptly drive transformative changes, confront challenges headon, deeply reflect the value orientation of the times, actively respond to societal and public concerns, accelerate the integrated development of media platforms, and enhance the reach of mainstream ideology. Second, it is necessary to analyze the contemporary challenges and opportunities by addressing the narrative crises and emerging issues in allmedia communication of mainstream ideology. Third, scientific application of agendasetting should be employed to ensure the comprehensive integration of mainstream ideology across all dimensions and levels, embedding the Partys propositions and theories into the daily lives and work of the people. Fourth, we must drive the transformation of Chinas mainstream ideological discourse system through enhancing localized theoretical innovation in communication, reforming Chinese discourse narratives, optimizing technological algorithms, and improving communication efficacy. This will accelerate the construction of a Chinese narrative system capable of effectively telling Chinas stories, communicating Chinas voice, and projecting Chinas image both domestically and internationally.

Democracy's ideals and principles can only materialize into reality through structured forms. Designing feasible political technologies is essential to operationalize democracy. While electoral democracy primarily relies on “voting”, consultative democracy is chiefly realized through “meetings”. The functions of “meetings”, which serve as a core political technology underpinning consultative democracy, include ensuring onsite participation of stakeholders, facilitating authentic expression of individual interests, enabling facetoface dialogue among participants, and achieving preference transformation and consensusbuilding. Clarifying “meetings” as the primary mechanism for consultative democracy is critical, which provide implications including: translating democratic values into practice through institutional arrangements and procedural design, leveraging existing political organizational methods to enhance the relevance and effectiveness of consultative democracy, and defining the implementation sequence to prevent the vulgarization of consultative democracy due to excessive formalization. To address challenges in the process, such as political control, conflicts, bureaucracy, and technological subjugation, improvements in terms of cognition, rights, technologies, and performance are imperative, ensuring democratic progress rooted in human dignity and liberation.

The historical significance of selfreform as an institutional practice is indisputable, yet its general theoretical value remains to be fully explored. Different historical attributes give rise to distinct modes of institutional evolution, thereby generating political systems and theories of varying natures. As an institutional form, “selfreform” originates from a tradition of political history and represents a novel power constraint mechanism distinct from the coordination and balance of power rooted in the tradition of social history. In the process of institutional evolution, the “selfreform” system addresses the inherent demand of ethical politics to constrain power within the historical context of “unified power order” and moral imperatives. The institutional innovation of MarxistLeninist parties and the legacy of traditional Chinese political civilization serve as historical resources for the development of the “selfreform” system. Compared to the coordination and balance of power, “selfreform” provides an institutional logic grounded in local practices across four dimensions: the agents of power exercise, power structures, institutional arrangements for power constraint, and operational mechanisms. It thus enriches the power constraint theory and offers a new paradigm for power constraint.

Japanese scholars have dedicated over a century to studying the manuscripts related to Capital, making significant theoretical contributions. In recent years, their innovative explorations on the MEGA edition of Capital have distinguished them globally, characterized by deepening theoretical insights through textual analysis and directly addressing modern capitalist economic issues, particularly systemic capitalist economic crises, thereby providing new materials and perspectives for contemporary capitalist studies. In response to academic debates on the relationship between money capital and economic crises under the framework of the standard threevolume Capital, scholars such as Teinosuke tani and Korefumi Miyata have utilized the MEGA edition to examine overproduction crises through the lens of the process of social reproduction, the law of the tendency of the average rate of profit to fall, and the movement of credit and fictitious capital. Their work reveals the root causes of capitalist economic crises through “analysis of internal contradictions”, “purification hypothesis”, and “dialectical equilibrium analysis”, while also exposing the essence of capitalist production through the characteristics of surplus value generation in the digital age. Japanese scholars emphasize the significance of the study on the MEGA edition by integrating intellectual history and reflections on Japans “Lost Three Decades” of economic stagnation. However, their research on capitalist economic crises exhibits theoretical limitations, such as the recognitions of theories for the ownership of means of production and the relationship between the law of the profit rate and economic growth theories, which remain subject to scholarly debate.

Since the beginning of the 21st century, amid intensified global expansion of financial monopoly capital and escalating contradictions and conflicts inherent to capitalism, the Western radical left has proposed to reconstruct the concept of communism, with Slavoj iek and Alain Badiou emerging as influential figures. iek argues for the inevitability of redefining the concept of communism from the perspective of “antagonism” embedded within capitalism. Badiou, through his propositions of the “communist hypothesis” and “idea of communism”, outlines a foundational pathway for revitalizing communism. However, iek critiques Badiou for viewing communism as a normative concept in the Kantian sense which is divorced from all material economic content, ultimately relegating it to “ethical socialism”, a framework fundamentally distinct from Marxs theory of communism.

The distinction between consequentialism and deontology marks a fundamental divide in ethical theory, with “the good” and “the right” serving as their respective moral claims. Utilitarian ethics in international relations, guided by consequentialist principles, emphasizes peace, security, and the economic development of nations. The publication of John Rawls A Theory of Justice signals a deontological turn in ethics. In the field of international relations, deontological ethics manifests in the theories of “rights”, particularly those of “human rights”. However, Kantian deontologists argue that rightsbased ethics face significant theoretical and practical limitations. With the advancement of globalization, they contend that “obligations” should become a universal virtue beyond traditional national boundaries. While utility, rights, and obligations all represent legitimate moral claims in human ethical life, each carries its own strengths and weaknesses. The vision of a community with a shared future for mankind, anchored in the Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, and Global Civilization Initiative, embodies the unity of “the good” and “the right”, offering a Chinese solution to harmonizing ethical values in global governance.