主管:教育部
主办:中国人民大学
ISSN 0257-2826 CN 11-1454/G4
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22, Jul. 2025
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The Relationship between Identity Politics and Liberalism under the “Crisis of Democracy” in the West
Wang Yue
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 125-136.
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Faced with the “crisis of democracy” manifested by the rise of right-wing populism in European and American societies since 2016, some Western liberal scholars have proposed an explanatory framework centered on the “double alienation of liberalism”. They attribute the crisis of liberal democracy to the “alienation” resulted from identity politics, and advocate eliminating its influence and restoring liberalism to its former state. However, a historical examination of the relationship between liberalism and identity politics reveals that identity politics did not emerge as a sudden “alienation” in the 1970s; rather, it resulted from the postwar Western left adopting the dominant liberal narrative reshaped by liberals during the Cold War. The subordination of identity politics to liberalism determines that identity politics is not the root cause of the “crisis of democracy” but a symptomatic manifestation of liberalism in crisis. Rather than seeking to “restore” liberalism, the fundamental way to change the status quo is to envision and practise a path of institutional innovation that fundamentally transcends liberalism.
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Rethinking Negri and Hardt's Theory of “Empire” from the Perspective of Historical Materialism
Yang Liyin1, Zhang Fan2
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 112-124.
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The theory of “Empire” proposed by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri transcends the nation-state sovereignty framework of Lenin's theory of imperialism and Marx's material productionoriented paradigm, offering a novel interpretation of capitalist evolution under globalization. As a new form of global sovereignty, the core of “Empire” lies in the immaterial transformation of dominant production modes and the decentralization of power mechanisms. In production terms, “Empire” reconstructs labor subjectivity and exploitation patterns through immaterial labor and biopolitical production, transforming the working “multitude” into subjects embodying both productivity and exploitability under capitals real subsumption. In power terms, imperial sovereignty dissolves traditional geopolitical boundaries through capital's deterritorialization and hybrid political regimes, replacing them with micro-level penetration and comprehensive control via power networks that forge collusion between economic power and extra-economic power. The implicit exploitation and digital control in digital capitalism precisely epitomize this “Empire” logic: capital converts users into unpaid digital laborers through data monopolies and algorithmic hegemony, eroding the boundary between labor time and leisure time, thereby achieving comprehensive human domination. However, the theorys explanatory power is constrained by its deviations from Marxs materialist approach to production and Lenins imperialism theory. It thus becomes imperative to reexamine its theoretical limitations through historical materialism, thereby revitalizing both Marxism and the “Empire” theory and ultimately advancing research on production mode transformation and imperialist evolution in the digital capitalist era.
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From Endowment Determinism to Incentive Dynamism: Paradigm Evolution of Growth Theory for Late-developing Countries
Li Xiaoyuan
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 96-111.
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Existing theoretical attempts to explain the growth of latedeveloping countries have generally evolved from explanations based on factor endowments and institutional environments to those on national capabilities and political incentives. This progression demonstrates an overall shift of research from structural determinism to political dynamism, specifically manifesting in the following three aspects: (1) transitioning from simple conceptual descriptions of phenomena to attributions grounded in structural factor endowments; (2) advancing beyond singular economic factors towards incorporating noneconomic elements such as institutional factors, policy choices and implementation, and nationspecific attributes; and (3) extending analytical focus from structural endowments to state dynamic elements and ultimately to political incentives for growth. Within this framework, incentive dynamism around political patronage and rent distribution have emerged as crucial perspectives for reexamining latedevelopment in the coming decade. Future scholarship should further extend and refine the political explanatory framework for latedevelopment, theoretically avoiding simple conceptualization and structural determinism while fully exploring political incentives and dynamic mechanisms behind changes in economic growth rates as potential breakthrough for theoretical innovation and paradigm shift. In practice, it should deepen the understanding of power relations within Global South nations and facilitate the implementation of the Global Development Initiative.
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Political-Economic Analysis of Upholding National Sovereignty and Independence in the Chinese Path to Modernization
Zhang Chunmin, Li Xinru
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 81-95.
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With the continued deepening of economic globalization, nations worldwide have been incorporated into the logic of capital to varying degrees, resulting in the weakening of national sovereignty and obstacles to modernization. Developed capitalist countries adhering to neoliberal doctrines follow a developmental logic that prioritizes individual supremacy, grounds itself in market fundamentalism, and seeks to transcend national sovereignty. By fostering uneven geographical development across the globe to drive economic growth, they exemplify a neocolonial hegemonic approach. On the other hand, the socialist China has consistently emphasized the boundaries of national sovereignty and state subjectivity, and formulated the principles of its foreign relations. At the governmental level, we have put the people first, strived to build a proactive government and efficient market, pursued balanced and comprehensive development goals, and forged a path of peaceful development. As evidenced by Chinas experience of struggle over the past century, the independence of national sovereignty under the leadership of the Communist Party of China constitutes a fundamental prerequisite and safeguard for initiating and independently pursuing the Chinese path to modernization.
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New Strategies for Local Government Debt Governance: Perspectives from the Sovereign Monetary System
Jia Genliang1, He Zengping2
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 65-80.
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The issue of local government debt is crucial to China's economic development and financial stability. As China transitions from an investment-driven economic growth model, fiscal expansion remains essential for its long-term economic growth and financial stability. In this context, local government debt faces a trilemma: the central government's fiscal balance, local governments fiscal equilibrium, and economic growth objectives are inherently difficult to reconcile simultaneously. Traditional fiscal theories and local debt governance approaches fail to recognize the disparity in institutional roles and fiscal policy space between central and local governments within a sovereign monetary system. This oversight has led to a paradoxical cycle where strict control causes stagnation while deregulation breeds disorder in local debt management. To resolve this trilemma in accordance with the operational logic of the sovereign monetary system, the fundamental approach should be: the central government adhere to functional finance principles and local governments follow balanced fiscal principles. Specifically, the central government should implement a largescale, onetime debt swap program to convert local government liabilities into central government obligations, leveraging this opportunity to advance fiscal system reform. Such reform should align with both the transformation of economic growth patterns and the imperative to constrain local government debt expansion.
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Exploring Trajectories for Disciplinary Construction of Ideological and Political Education: Based on the Problem-oriented Research Perspective
Shi Hongbo, Li Weiqing
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 55-64.
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The definition and identification of research subjects not only pertain to the disciplinary attributes and position of the discipline of ideological and political education, but also profoundly influence the construction of its disciplinary system and development trajectory. In academic history, representative perspectives such as the “law-based perspective”, “phenomenon-based perspective”, “relationship-based perspective” and “activity-based perspective” have revealed certain attributes and characteristics of the research subjects in ideological and political education studies from different dimensions. However, they have consistently failed to fundamentally demonstrate their selfconsistency and uniqueness. Grounded in the disciplinary attributes and independence of the discipline of ideological and political education, its research subjects should be defined as issues of ideological and political education, iea perspective termed the “problemoriented perspective”. In addition, to meet the demands of deepening research and achieving highquality disciplinary development, we propose the necessity of further differentiating research subjects into material objects and formal objects, in order to clarify the disciplinary stance and boundary while making clear its irreplaceable academic identity and value in the production of disciplinary knowledge. Therefore, building on the clarification of the research subjects, we should highlight the disciplinary thinking and stance through differentiating material and formal objects, promote the production of disciplinary knowledge around the issues of ideological and political education, and facilitate the transformation of disciplinary construction from a systems paradigm to a practiceoriented paradigm.
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Significance, Inherent Logic, and Practical Pathways for Building the System of Ideological and Political Work in the New Era
Feng Gang1, Li Wei2, 3
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 45-54.
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Building the system of ideological and political work in the new era is grounded in the essential attributes of ideological and political work and the inherent laws of its developmental evolution. It represents both an intrinsic requirement for advancing the modernization of ideological and political work and a contemporary necessity for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Composed of multiple subsystems including the objective system, operational system, support system, supervision system, and others alike, the system of ideological and political work operates in accordance with holistic, collaborative, and dynamic principles. To scientifically build this system in the new era, it is essential to profoundly grasp its key components, vigorously address existing challenges, and continuously stimulate its endogenous dynamics.
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Inherent Logic, Connotative Significance, and Original Contributions of the Systems for Exercising Full and Rigorous Party Self-governance
Du Wuqing
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 34-44.
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“Improving the systems for exercising full and rigorous Party selfgovernance” is a new idea, viewpoint and proposition first put forward in the Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. Advancing the new great project of Party building in the new era necessitates the systemic implementation of full and rigorous Party selfgovernance. Only through unifying the tripartite logic of theoretical origins, historical evolution, and practical imperatives can we holistically grasp the generative logic and systematic framework of the systems for exercising full and rigorous Party selfgovernance. The systems for exercising full and rigorous Party selfgovernance centers on the integration of organizational, educational, supervisory, institutional, and accountability mechanisms, establishing a scientifically coherent theoretical architecture encompassing three dimensions: basic categories, responsibility enforcement, and refinement approaches. As for the connotative significance, the introduction of the systems for exercising full and rigorous Party selfgovernance enriches and develops the Marxist theory of party building that is adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, opens new horizons for advancing full and rigorous Party selfgovernance in the new era, and make original and theoretical contributions to global political party governance concerning its concepts, methodologies, and objectives.
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Fundamental Requirements, Structural Framework, and Principled Innovation of General Secretary Xi Jinping's Important Thoughts on Party Building
Liu Honglin
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 25-33.
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As a fundamental tenet of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important thoughts on Party building, each component of “13 principles of upholding” embodies profound connotation, solid theoretical foundation, and explicit imperatives, coherently manifesting the tripartite analytical framework of “what, why, and how”. To deeply understand General Secretary Xi Jinping's important thoughts on Party building and the major theoretical innovation, it is necessary not only to grasp the core and fundamental requirements of “13 principles of upholding”, but also to take the general requirements for Party building in the new era as the basic analytical framework and deeply understand the structural framework and internal logic of “13 principles of upholding”. It is also necessary to adhere to the Marxist theory of party building and view of political parties, correctly recognize the differences among legacydriven innovation, integrationbased innovation, original innovation and compound innovation, and deeply understand the type and characteristics of “13 principles of upholding” in terms of theoretical innovation and the fundamental features of upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground. It is even more necessary to establish a holistic, systematic and comprehensive view of Party building, generate a systematic understanding of “13 principles of upholding” within the framework of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and deeply grasp the intrinsic relationship among the Partys leadership, Party building, full and rigorous Party selfgovernance, the Partys selfreform, and the Partys undertaking.
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Dialectical Understanding of Social Revolution and Self-reform
Dai Shengpeng
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 16-24.
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In the materialist view of history and Marxist view of revolution, both social revolution and self-reform are essential components. Across different periods of social revolution, the agents, targets, methods, and pathways of social revolution vary significantly. Similarly, for different revolutionary agents, the objects, substance, approaches, and trajectories of selfreform also differ in their revolutionary activities. Precisely due to these variations in revolutionary objects, substance, methods, and pathways, selfreform manifests unique value and significance distinct from social revolution in promoting historical progress and advancing human civilization. The process of social revolution simultaneously embodies the continuous advancement and realization of selfreform by revolutionary agents. For revolutionary classes or political parties, their social revolution and selfreform exist in dialectical unity. Selfreform takes shape and is realized through social revolution, while simultaneously driving and guiding social revolution. In the new era and on the new journey, guiding social revolution through the Partys selfreform serves as the principal revolutionary approach of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the new era, the innovative revolutionary philosophy of the CPC in the new era, and the primary driving force of sociohistorical development in our times.
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Dimensions for Building the Discourse Dominance of Marxist Ideology in the New Era
Luo Yuting1, Yu Yanlin2
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
7
): 5-15.
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Building and strengthening the discourse dominance of Marxist ideology in the new era constitutes the fundamental task for enhancing its discourse power in this new era. Building the discourse dominance of Marxist ideology in the new era runs through the whole process of creating, expressing, spreading and practicing the discourse of Marxist ideology. The discourse dominance of Marxist ideology in the new era is reflected in the dominance in discourse creation, discourse articulation, dissemination influence, and practical guidance of Marxist ideology. Therefore, concentrated efforts must be directed towards systematically building the discourse dominance of Marxist ideology in the new era across these four dimensions: the dominance in discourse creation, discourse articulation, dissemination influence, and practical guidance.
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Philosophy as Theoretical Practice: A Reinterpretation of Althusser's Marxist Philosophical Perspective
Hu Yaohui
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 124-136.
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Althusser interprets Marxist philosophy through two critical dimensions: the relationship between philosophy and theory, and the relationship between philosophy and politics. In terms of the relationship between philosophy and theory, Althusser argues that Marxism adopts a stance of “primacy of practice”, rejecting the idealist “primacy of theory”. Marxist philosophy no longer seeks to construct an absolute system of knowledge but instead acknowledges the nonidentity between theory and reality, striving to unify them through the dialectics of contradictions under concrete historical conditions. Unlike critiques that lapse into theoreticism, this understanding positions Althussers definition of “philosophy and politics” as a deepening of “theoretical practice”. Althusser contends that philosophy is not a purely speculative endeavor but a key theoretical tool of ideology. The ruling class uses philosophy to legitimize its dominance, while Marxist philosophy serves to counteract it. Thus, Marxism is not a new philosophy of practice but a new practice of philosophy. This interpretation reveals the revolutionary essence of Marxist philosophy: it ceases to present itself as a vessel of absolute truth and instead becomes a theoretical weapon for transforming the world. Althussers interpretation offers significant inspiration for our understanding of the political and revolutionary nature of Marxist philosophy.
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The Actual and the Ideal in the “Southernization of Northern Knowledge”: A Discussion on the Tensions between Cognitive Justice and Social Justice
Liang Tian1, Zhao Dongqian2, 3
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 109-123.
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The “southernization of northern knowledge” is both an international political reality and a typical countermodernity intellectual movement, challenging the epistemic and hegemonic dominance of the Global North from an epistemological perspective. At the de facto level, this phenomenon reveals the tension between cognitive justice and social justice. The Global Norths conception of cognitive justice is, in essence, a form of cognitive injustice, which in turn leads to the failure to fully realize social justice within both the Global North and the Global South. At the de jure level, the ideal form of “southernization of northern knowledge” lies in the coupling of cognitive and social justice, facilitated by the rise of the “broad Global South”—a coalition encompassing marginalized groups in both the Global South and the Global North. Through informal international law as a primary medium, the force in the South enhances and integrates the two dimensions of justice, thereby reshaping the global governance architecture. By fostering North-South collaboration, integrating international legal norms, and strengthening the dissemination of knowledge in the South, the global knowledge system can evolve toward diversity and inclusivity, making a more equitable, rational, and sustainable global order possible.
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Connotations and Constraints of the European Defence Industrial Strategy under the Framework of Strategic Autonomy
Fang Lexian1, Cao Jialu2
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 95-108.
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Since the escalation of the Ukraine crisis in 2022, the European Union (EU)s military aid to Ukraine has been stretched thin, exposing the capacity gap in its own defence industry when dealing with the security crisis. Driven by geopolitical imperatives and the pursuit of strategic autonomy, the EU officially launched the European Defence Industrial Strategy and the European Defence Industrial Development Programme, aiming to bolster the EUs defence industrial production capacities and accelerate the transition towards defence industrial integration and autonomy. This strategy has established a culture of “defence readiness”, attempting to enhance the defence industrial capacities of the EU through expanded investment and promote the development of its technological autonomy. However, challenges such as internal divisions within the EU, the US factor, and the EUs eroding industrial capacities will create certain obstacles for the implementation of this strategy. Exploring the policy implications, underlying drivers, and constraints of the EUs defence industrial strategy is of great reference significance for accurately grasping the characteristics and future trends of the EUs security and defence construction in recent years.
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The “Second Integration” and Socialist Political Economics with Chinese Characteristics
Wang Tianjiao
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 81-94.
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The realization of the “second integration” in the field of economics involves integrating the basic principles of Marxist political economy with traditional Chinese economic thought. Traditional Chinese economic thought, a vital component of fine traditional Chinese culture, possesses a unique academic paradigm and significant theoretical value. Constructing socialist political economics with Chinese characteristics must draw upon traditional economic thought. Theoretically and logically, fine traditional Chinese culture acts as a positive driving force for the development of modern socialist economics. Thus, it is imperative to systematically present the strengths of traditional economic thought at the theoretical level. In terms of realistic logic, in order to deal with the current problems such as the ecological crisis of capitalism and the drawbacks of economic globalization dominated by capitalism, we can seek ideological wisdom and explore solutions from the experiences of the ancients in serving the world and the people. Meanwhile, nowadays China is faced with an urgent need to build an independent knowledge system of economics. Incorporating traditional economic thought into the construction of the socialist political economics with Chinese characteristics will enable the newly formed theoretical system to have a unique academic paradigm, categorical discourse system and humanistic value, thereby manifesting the intellectual independence of Chinas economic knowledge system.
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The Historical Nature of Public Ownership and the Socialist Forms of Labor
Rong Zhaozi
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 68-80.
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The historical features that distinguish socialist public ownership from public ownership in the advanced stage of communism are as follows. First, socialist public ownership is organized and guided by the state apparatus of the proletarian dictatorship, rather than the “free association of individuals”; second, it comprises two primary forms—state ownership and collective ownership—instead of a unified social ownership encompassing all means of production; third, socialist public property retains the exclusivity required for market transactions, enabling its integration with a market economy characterized by diversified property rights; and forth, socialist public ownership has a dual nature, where the public ownership of the means of production is inseparably linked with the individual ownership of labor power. To understand the essential characteristics of socialist public ownership of the means of production, it is essential to analyze the relational dynamics among laborers within the public sector, clarify the unique attributes of socialist labor that distinguish it from that under other social systems, and understand the socialist forms of labor. This article argues that the socialist form of labor can be conceptualized as equal labor, which is an equal relationship measured by labor yet rooted in unequal labor capacities. Equal labor not only reflects the historical progressiveness of socialist labor but also its historical limitations, with their interplay defining the complete historical nature of socialist labor. Due to the inherent contradictions within equal labor, its realization requires a unique institutional framework termed the “agency system of public property”. The Communist Party of China (CPC) serves as the “active agent” of public property rights. The CPC’s leadership, as an institutional arrangement, is included in the institutional genes of equal labor.
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Developmental Patterns, Underlying Concerns, and Cultivation Strategies of Youth Culture in the Era of Intelligent Medi
Ding Cunxia
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 58-67.
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The advent of the era of intelligent media has driven the development of various patterns in youth culture, such as the deep integration of diversity and personalization in content, the comprehensive improvement of initiative and participation among youth culture actors, the close combination of immediacy and interactivity in the dissemination of youth culture, and the innovative development of visualization and symbolization in the expression and presentation of youth culture. However, it has also brought about concerns such as “algorithmic bias” misleading the direction of youth culture, “information overload” diluting the content of youth culture, “networked chambers” blocking the exchange of youth culture, and “capital overreach” disrupting the environment of youth culture. To address these challenges, it is imperative to proactively explore cultivation strategies for youth culture in the era of intelligent media,strengthen the Partys leadership over ideological and cultural work to consolidate consensus on values among young people, integrate “cultural confidence” with “technological confidence” to create a content ecosystem that “transcends boundaries”, enhance the guiding capacity of news and public opinion to reconstruct the communication ecosystem of “technology for good”, and enhance media literacy and technological demystification to reshape the cultural ecosystem of “humanmachine collaboration”,in order to support the growth of youth culture and advance the construction of a country with a strong socialist culture.
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Three Dimensions of the Innovative Development of Principles of Ideological and Political Education Since the Reform and Opening-up
Wu Qiantao1, Gao Yang2
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 48-57.
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What kind of people we should cultivate, how, and for whom—these are the fundamental issues that education must address, and are also fundamental issues that ideological and political education must address and resolve. These questions profoundly regulate and endow ideological and political education with a clear sense of value,objectives and paradigms, and implemetation logic, collectively reflecting the principles of ideological and political education across three dimensions. Since the reform and openingup, the innovative development of these principles has unfolded as follows: first, along the dimension of “for whom”, these principles have shifted from serving the reform and openingup to serving the construction of a strong country; second, along the dimension of “what kind of people”, they have evolved from cultivating the “new people with four musthaves” to nurturing the “new people of the times”; and third,along the dimension of “how”, they have transitioned from addressing specific challenges to embracing systematic approaches. These developments have significantly enhanced the quality and efficiency of ideological and political education through upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, thereby strengthening its ideological and political leadership in advancing the cause of building a strong country and achieving national rejuvenation.
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The Knowledge Production Field and the Construction of an Independent Knowledge System for the Discipline of Intra-Party Regulations
Wang Lifeng
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 38-47.
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The discipline of intraParty regulations is an emerging interdisciplinary field whose logical framework remains underdeveloped. Whether it can evolve into an independent knowledge system with intellectual independence depends primarily on a clear understanding of the socialism with Chinese characteristics upon which intraParty regulations are grounded. IntraParty regulations exhibit distinct political and legal attributes, serving as a vital component of the socialism with Chinese characteristics that integrates the basic tenets of Marxism with Chinas specific realities and its excellent traditional culture. The institutional practice of rulebased governance of the Party has provided fertile ground for this discipline, while the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party and the selfreform of the Party have amplified its practical urgency. The construction of an independent knowledge system for the discipline of intraParty regulations, as an interdisciplinary field, must consider the following factors: the continuity and evolution, the originality and contemporaneity, and the systemization and specialization of the independent knowledge system. Building such a system is a systematic project requiring toplevel design, coordinated planning, and collaborative advancement, in order to establish a disciplinary framework, academic paradigm, and discursive system that can align with the needs of the times.
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On the View of Temporality of the CommunistParty of China Since the Reform and Openingup:Focusing on the Reports to Party National Congresses
Dong Jia1, Wen Ruiqin2
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 30-37.
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Since the founding of the Peoples Republic of China, especially since the reform and openingup, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has gradually blazed a new path of modernization with Chinese characteristics on the basis of longterm exploration and practice. In the historical process of seeking happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation, the CPC has developed a systematic and coherent understanding of social temporality, giving rise to the Partys view of temporality aligned with the Chinese path to modernization. Its core connotation encompasses three dimensions: first, the temporal reflection on the “past”, which includes both the temporal understanding of history and the historical understanding of time; second, the temporal positioning of the “present”, which involves analyzing and assessing the current situation and strategically seizing historical opportunities to advance governance and development; and third, the temporal expectation of the “future”, which entails contemplating the goal, scope, and pace of time. This coherent theoretical framework of temporality demonstrates the CPCs profound grasp of the entirety, totality, and comprehensiveness of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It is deeply embedded in the Partys continuous advancement of economic and social development, and is of great significance for comprehensively promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through the Chinese path to modernization.
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The Critique of Modernity in Das Kapital and the Construction of New Modernity Thought
Liu Xingang, Sun Shaohua
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
): 16-29.
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The achievements of the Chinese path to modernization have provided a practical foundation for humanity to construct new modernity thought, thereby overcoming the developmental dilemmas caused by capitalcentered modernization. In Das Kapital, Marx systematically critiques modernity thought rooted in old materialism, offering critical theoretical resources for the construction of new modernity thought. Current research has extensively explored the critique of modernity in Das Kapital, yet the implicit new modernity thought remains underexamined. From the perspective of Marxs integration of philosophy and political economy, the critique of modernity in Das Kapital contains the seeds of new modernity thought, primarily reflected in two aspects: first, based on a profound understanding of the characteristics and behavioral logic of capital under capitalist production relations, the core of constructing new modernity thought focuses on reforming capitals attributes and regulating its operations; second, by revealing the simplification and fragmentation of human development in modernization, Marx establishes the goal of achieving comprehensive human development, highlighting the value pursuit of new modernity thought. Building on Das Kapitals perspectives on new modernity thought and integrating the theoretical and practical innovations of the Chinese path to modernization, the construction of new modernity thought should revolve around the following four key dimensions. First, the fundamental attribute of new modernity is its peoplecenteredness, which requires modernization to adhere to a peoplecentered approach. Second, we should uphold the unity of the Party spirit and peoplecenteredness, maintain and strengthen the Partys comprehensive leadership to ensure the Chinese modernization advances in the correct direction. Third, based on a proper understanding of capitals characteristics and behavioral patterns, it is necessary to achieve effective transformation of capital through institutional design and policy guidance, aligning it with societal development. Fourth, we should fully leverage the institutional advantages of socialism with Chinese characteristics, relying on institutional innovation and governance efficacy to comprehensively advance the construction of new modernity thought.
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Conceptual Evolution and Semantic Formation of Propositions for Scientific Socialist Values in China
Chen Hongjuan
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
6
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The term “propositions for scientific socialist values” is an important concept in Xi Jinping Thought on Culture. This discursive innovation has deep historical and cultural roots. Prior to the May Fourth Movement, Marxist theory had not yet been widely disseminated in China, progressive Chinese intellectuals largely engaged with fragmented and scattered elements of scientific socialism in a vague and undifferentiated manner. Following the May Fourth Movement, the terms “scientific socialism” and “the scientific form of socialism” gained increasing popularity. Through comparison, differentiation, and distinction between scientific socialism and other theories, progressive intellectuals transitioned from a state of conceptual confusion toward that with more differentiated perspectives and clearer value distinction, thereby gaining an initial understanding of the value principles embedded within scientific socialism. From the founding of the Communist Party of China to the period prior to the new era, scientific socialism continuously evolved through Chinas revolutionary struggle, nationbuilding, and reform practices, with its inherent value propositions being progressively explored, reinterpreted and enriched. Since the advent of the new era, the concept of “propositions for scientific socialist values” has emerged in response to new theoretical demands. It has expanded the field of scientific socialism from the dimension of “values”, thereby deepening the understanding of scientific socialist theory.
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A Major Breakthrough in the Construction of China's Independent Knowledge System of Economics: Experiences and Thoughts on Socialist Political Economics with Chinese Characteristics
He Aiping
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 143-148.
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62
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As a key textbook under the Marxist Theoretical Research and Development Project, the publication of Socialist Political Economics with Chinese Characteristics embodies the state will and stands as a significant achievement in advancing Chinas independent knowledge system of economics through the development of educational material. This marks a major breakthrough in constructing Chinas independent knowledge system of economics. The textbook integrates the fundamental principles of Marxist political economy with the great practices of socialist economic development with Chinese characteristics. Guided by Xi Jinpings thought on economy, it establishes a systematic theoretical framework for socialist political economics with Chinese characteristics. It has distinctive features in terms of structural arrangement, content design, and methodological application, which makes original contributions and achieves significant theoretical innovations in political economy, serving as an exemplary model for advancing the development of the textbook system of economics.
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Theoretical Interpretation of and Practical Response to the Securitization of China-US Relations
Ding Di
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 127-142.
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63
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The securitization of major-power relations refers to a country framing its economic, technological, cultural, and other interactions with other countries as security threats, and prioritizing security competition as the primary principle in handling bilateral relations. The securitization of major-power relations is shaped by three key factors: the strategic environment they face, their behavioral motivations, and interactions between the actors. The characteristics and interplay of these factors determine the trajectory of such securitization. Amid shifting power dynamics between China and the United States (US), with the US increasingly perceiving China as its primary strategic competitor, the US has adopted strategies of zerosum competition and exacerbated conflict in assessing the strategic environment, setting behavioral motivations, and choosing interaction patterns. This approach has led to risks of overextension and loss of control in the USs securitization of relations with China. In response, China must work to reverse the expansion of USdriven securitization of its relations with China in three aspects: reshaping security perceptions, enhancing dialogue mechanisms, and constructing a new strategic stability framework, thereby preventing bilateral relations from falling into a pansecuritization trap.
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National Security Governance Driven by Digital Platforms: Motivations, Risks and China's Responses
Tang Qingpeng
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 115-126.
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64
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In the era of digital economy with increasing platformization, digital platforms are becoming key security governance entities, profoundly reshaping the national security landscape. This transformation is driven by the direct impetus of evolving cybersecurity threats and escalating security demands, as well as the variable conditions of states adapting their digital security responsibilities and functional capacities, and inherent motivations within platforms based on their own developmental strategies and profit considerations. While assuming extensive national security functions, digital platforms simultaneously generate systemic risks, including challenges to digital sovereignty, impacts on cultural security, disruptions to virtual social order, and distortions in cyber politicaleconomic ecosystems, thereby fundamentally altering the foundations and dynamics of national security in cyberspace. As a deeply platformized digital power, China must face up to and address the shifting security relations and governance paradigms underlying this trend, holistically advancing platform governance for national security, strengthening state responsibilities in cyberspace security, and fostering new national security architecture tailored for the digital age.
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Political-Economic Analysis of Infrastructure Development with Chinese Characteristics: Theoretical Logic and Transformation Pathways
He Zhaopeng, Xiao Chang
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 102-114.
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68
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Infrastructure, in its essence, serves as the general conditions of production for economic activities, providing “essential use values” for largescale socialized production. Infrastructure development sustains capital circulation and accumulation across multiple dimensions, fostering specific forms of capital, enhancing capitals geographical mobility, accelerating capital turnover rates, maintaining and advancing surplus value production, and mitigating contradictions of capital overaccumulation. The contradictions and crises inherent in infrastructure development under capitalist modes of production stem from their distinctive formation mechanisms and provision methods. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has shaped a unique infrastructure development model with Chinese characteristics, achieving remarkable accomplishments that fundamentally underpinned Chinas development miracle that has lasted for over four decades, while also accumulating systemic contradictions and risks. In the new development stage, it is imperative to reform infrastructure development models through a problemoriented approach, vigorously advancing both physical and social infrastructure toward highquality development. This entails eliminating blockages in capital circulation, ensuring unimpeded capital flows, resolving contradictions and risks arising from infrastructure development processes, and thus advancing the Chinese path to modernization.
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Smallholder Farmers, Family-based Operations, and Agricultural Modernization
Tang Zhong1, Jia Yanan2, Li Jing3
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 90-101.
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85
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In the process of Chinas agricultural modernization, what path shall smallholder farmers and familybased agricultural operations take? One perspective posits that only agricultural corporations can serve as the microlevel entities driving agricultural modernization, asserting that corporatization is the inevitable route to modernization. Another view argues that smallholders will inevitably be phased out by market forces, with newtype agricultural entities becoming the sole microlevel entities of modernization. This paper contends that, first, smallholder farming, familybased operations, and agricultural modernization are not mutually exclusive. The microlevel entities driving agricultural modernization should be diversified and coexistent. Familybased operations will not disappear, and hasty attempts to eliminate or “transform” smallholders are not in line with the inherent laws of agricultural development. Second, the enduring presence of smallholders and familybased operations can be attributed to the fact that familybased operations remain better adapted to the characteristics of agricultural production, demonstrate adaptability to evolving agricultural technological systems, and can be dynamically adjusted over time. Third, while the prediction of smallholders demise has not become a reality, this does not mean that the theory that largescale production holds advantages over than smallscale production is not applicable to agriculture. The continuous advancement of agricultural technologies and the gradual expansion of operational scales among agricultural entities exemplify the superiority of largescale production in modern agriculture.
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Adaptation and Guiding Role of Ideological and Political Education in the AI Era: Also on the Strategy of Using DeepSeek in Ideological and Political Education
Xie Yujin1, Zhang Kaiqin2
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 79-89.
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160
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The groundbreaking emergence of DeepSeek, as a domestically developed opensource large language model, has ignited vigorous discussions on AI across society, providing profound perspectives for innovating ideological and political education in the AI era. The discipline of ideological and political education has consistently embraced technological advancement from “applying AI for localized innovation”, “integrating into AI ecosystems for systematic transformation” to “advancing toward humanmachine symbiosis”. Amidst AIs rapid iteration pace, emerging challenges demand ideological and political education to proactively provide guidance in terms of the political orientation, humancentric values, ethical frameworks, consensus cultivation, and spiritual synergy, for the healthy and sustainable development of AI. Focusing on DeepSeeks adaptation and guiding practice, we should deepen expertise through vertical integration, innovate educational approaches, enhance competency cultivation, and develop proactive governance frameworks, thereby giving full play to DeepSeeks positive enabling role, and helping open up new prospects for ideological and political education.
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Tracing the Institutional Origins of the Party's Leadership over Higher Education Institutions: A Historical Examination of the Party Committee System in Chinese Higher Education Institutions
Geng Huamin, Wu Jiao
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 65-78.
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81
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Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in governing the country, establishing the system of “the Partys leadership over higher education institutions” and exercising the Partys leadership over higher education institutions are important issues facing the higher education in China. In the early years of the Peoples Republic of China, higher education institutions implemented the “president responsibility system” and established the Partys leadership over these institutions by strategically deploying Party members and cadres, promoting the establishment of Party organizations, and establishing political work systems. As shortcomings in the president responsibility system became increasingly evident, the CPC reformed the institutional framework to explore more effective mechanisms for implementing the Partys leadership over higher education institutions. In 1956, in accordance with the spirit of the Eighth National Congress of the CPC and the provisions of the Party Constitution, higher education institutions explored transitioning from the president responsibility system to the Party committee system in practice, for which the CPC Central Committee did not have specific regulations yet. After the Partys rectification movement in 1957, the CPC Central Committee and the State Council issued the “Instructions on Education Work” in 1958, which clearly defined this system as “a responsibility system of the school affairs committee under the leadership of the Party committee”. In response to the deviations in the implementation of the system after the “education revolution”, the system was developed into “a responsibility system of the school affairs committee headed by the president under the leadership of the Party committee”, as stated in “Sixty Articles on Higher Education” in 1961 that the Party organizations at the level of departments and teaching and research sections played a supervisory and supportive role. After the institutional construction and practical exploration during this historical period, the Party committee system has become a fundamental institutional arrangement for the CPCs leadership over higher education institutions, laying the institutional foundation for the mature and finalized “president responsibility system under the leadership of the Party committee” in the new period.
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Core Essentials, Theoretical Foundations and Original Contributions of General Secretary Xi Jinping's Important Thoughts on Party Building
Zhu Lingjun
Teaching and Research 2025, 59 (
5
): 54-63.
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106
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General Secretary Xi Jinpings important thoughts on Party building have profoundly addressed the major contemporary issues of what kind of Marxist party capable of longterm governance should we build and how to build it, highlighted the theme of exercising full and rigorous governance of the Party, put forward a series of new concepts, new ideas and new strategies for managing and strengthening the Party, firmly grasped the mission and task of leading the great social revolution with the great selfreform, and formed the core essentials that emphasize a problemoriented approach, thematic focus, strategic considerations, as well as missions and mandates. These important thoughts are reflected in the “13 principles of upholding”, which embody the theoretical foundations of “theories on the Party”, “theories on governancecapacity building”, “theories on longterm governancecapacity building”, and “theories on Party leadership”, thereby forging an integrated framework that integrates “comprehensive Party building” with “targeted Party building”. These important thoughts have achieved a new leap in addressing the contemporary issues of Party building, reflected new changes in the theme of Party building, made new adjustments in the layout of Party building, and formed a new paradigm in the basic theory of Party building, making original contributions to enriching and developing the Marxist partybuilding theory and exploring the laws of the longterm governance of the Communist Party of China.
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